By Mark M. Shdeed – Medium.com – 10/3/2022
Our country, today, lives at the precipice of total disintegration. A result of ongoing nepotism and kleptocracy that riddled every facet of government since The Taif Accord. Politicians embezzled money, participated in corruption and blocked every concerted effort to reform. At this crucible moment in the history of Lebanon, the stakes are high and the threat to our existence is looming. Thus, we are in a dire need for a political insurrection that brings about change both drastically and fundamentally.
Amid this escalating crisis, our constitution remains locked in a permanently lost battle, incapable of delivering results nor settling perpetual disputes centered around key questions of identity and independence. In the same measure, cronyism has been eroding our system from within for several decades permitting governments to evade accountability. This is, by and large, a consequence of an incompetent and politicized judicial authority who has failed to deliver justice on countless occasions.
But what caused all of this? Could it be simply an act purported by desperate politicians to hold on to power, pursue more leverage and fulfill their ambitions?
Needless to say, there are of course many culprits, but I contend that much of the blame is the result of a fractured constitution that extends the problems while ignoring sensible solutions addressing our diversity. In fact, it is a dysfunctional system beyond any repair that has been riddled with failures and broken promises — solidifying the hegemony of dominant powers over our central government and dilapidating its state of affairs.
Hence, why are we so passively accepting a feeble system when the threat to our liberty and security is more perilous than before and is growing by the day? Why are we so desperately searching for means for accommodating it to serve as a testimony of our national unity?
These are daunting questions that do not admit of easy solutions. Nonetheless, they do affirm how elected politicians favor this broken system to build their influence and preserve their deep state. Rather than looking out for what’s in the best interest of their people, they see how they can line their pockets and ensure their continuity. But, if we accept the premise that improving our lives and safeguarding our freedom is some elected politician’s problem, our battle will be forever lost and our ideas will die on the vine.
Surely, one might ask whether implementing Taif’s policies or adopting essential reforms could remedy the rampant bigotry we have wrestled with for quite some time. That advice misdiagnoses the problem in its entirety. For starters, our constitution is short on accuracy and long on contradictions. And clearly such structural deficiencies will fall short of resolving our stark differences by widening our disunity and increasing our resentment. It is also imperative to concede that any settlement, in the likes of Doha agreement, would render it plainly iniquitous. Failing that, our crises will only multiply.
Now, many claim that changing the majority in parliament can pave the way for long-awaited reforms and can tip the scale in favor of change. Frankly, they are starting with the conviction that a new political class could propel our country into the modern world. But they are not accepting that the political system is the problem, and not those that run it alone. This inequitable system has imposed on us a consensus democratic system, second to none. Its rules are cumbersome and nonexistent so a lot of how it operates is through unanimous consent where any one party can disagree and suddenly the wheels grind to a halt. They use these holds as leverage to make progress on what benefits them personally and collectively. Hence, corruption is innate and a direct result of such a system. This, however, proves that the scope of decadence far exceeds a mere change of parliamentary seat here and there but is intrinsically present in the mechanics of our constitution.
And to say that the majority of the Lebanese are categorically secular and against the ruling parties, is an overstatement. These majorities are divided across religious and cultural lines and many of them, like lemmings, will vote according to their respective mandates. History has taught us that this was true before and it’s true now. They are the defenders of the entrenched power, benefiting from it throughout the years. It is somehow evident that these totalitarian dictates won’t subside by simply transitioning to a secular system, for in a democracy such a majority will always have a resounding voice.
Many, however, are fully aware that uniting the country was the premonition of our founding fathers. A position clearly evident in Patriarch Hoayek’s words when he said: “We have united the land and expect those who come after us to unite the people.” His Eminence was quite right in foreseeing the consequences of our diversity. But cultural and religious harmony are not going to come to us by holding hands and singing Kumbaya. That understanding has to be earned, it has to be worked for and there are sacrifices involved.
The challenge we face today is reversing century-old trend of centralization. We need to stop investing in a failed constitution, and have the courage to call for reform. This centralized system was framed to maintain and perpetuate injustice. It cannot be expected to govern a diverse nation nor restore the balance of power among its cultural groups who are continuously locked in a power-dominance competition. A gain for one side is widely perceived as being a loss for the other. Such a system with irreconcilable conflict and possessing an overwhelming faith in compromise cannot provide peace and stability in the long run.
Thus, in the battle of ideas nothing supersedes federalism as an appropriate system for a fragmented nation where diversity is ingrained in our social build-up. One promising constitution with a concerted plan that can help us transition to a better system is ethno-geographic federalism. Only through unity without uniformity and diversity without fragmentation can we achieve a comprehensive and everlasting political reform. Ethno-geographic federalism offers you a state not based on any narrow partisan but one that is based on the idea that all the people of this country have a voice in their own destiny. It is about dividing power to better protect individual liberty. The embodiment of direct democracy, subsidiarity and localism. And the political tolerance of having the ability to run your own affairs without demonizing, dhimmitizing or delegitimizing your right to exist in one country and under the rule of law.
In fact, this proposed federal constitution treats disputes among its citizens as an endemic feature commanding a unique precedent in Lebanon’s political history. No other system defined the solution in terms of cultural identity. I believe, when properly presented, this constructive model is the most likely to succeed as it addresses the foremost concerns of diversity and unity within a secular, democratic and multicultural society.
Let us, therefore, have the audacity to demand a federal constitution. We should no longer be prepared to shoulder the burden of indecisiveness. Our task as Lebanese is to strive for reform achieved through the genuine management of diversity and good governance. Hence, to stop this downfall, we must earnestly mobilize and rekindle a grassroots movement across the nation paving the way for everyone to be engaged in making this a reality. Let us demand unity over disintegration by standing for the preservation of our cultural sovereignty and the reinforcement of our solidarity. Let us not only be united around who it is we are against but what it is we’re for. Only through a federal republic can we celebrate the vibrant and diverse cultures, traditions and religions in our beloved country. The call for action is now, our choice is Federalism.